Empowering Grassroots Voices: How Feminists in Poland Build Collective Strength

Over a century ago, Polish women gained the right to vote, which opened a new era in the fight for gender equality. However, as French philosopher Simone de Beauvoir said, “those rights are never to be taken for granted; you must remain vigilant throughout your life”. Gender issues, deeply intertwined with systemic injustice, require not just individual awareness but the collective engagement of society. A key strategy in this ongoing battle has been the widespread promotion of feminist ideas—reaching beyond educated circles to address the needs of local communities. Over time, feminism has grown more inclusive, transcending traditional frameworks to actively address the issues faced by all marginalized and vulnerable populations. In Poland, women have developed their understanding of intersectionality through dedication to activism and collective efforts, a process that this article aims to examine.

Struggles Against the System: What Issues Are Polish Women Facing? 

In the European Union, according to the World Health Organization (WHO) guidelines, over 95% of the population lives in countries where abortion is available on request or for broadly understood social reasons. Poland and Malta are the only countries that have chosen to maintain highly restrictive laws, exposing women to traumatic complications. Years of conservatism in Poland have led to the stigmatisation of sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR), with Poland ranking last for six consecutive years in the Contraception Policy Atlas Europe, coupled with insufficient sexual education in schools and the prioritisation of patriarchal values in decisions regarding women’s bodies. 

Lack of reproductive justice has become a critical issue in the Polish political landscape, highlighting systemic oppression that limits women’s decisiveness about their reproductive choices. The WHO emphasizes that the ability to decide if, when, and how to reproduce is fundamental to human rights, including the rights to non-discrimination, life, healthcare, privacy, bodily autonomy, and self-determination1. However, conservative and religious actors in Poland tend to display sexual and reproductive health as a threat to traditional values. It deepens gender inequalities, further marginalizing women and limiting their control over their own social status and agency. Against this background, Polish women have developed support systems that offer assistance in cases of unwanted pregnancy, access to educational platforms, and support networks. These grassroots solutions showed resilience and adaptation to difficult political context, embracing the values of civic society. 

The Fight for Reproductive Justice: A Decade of Challenges and Political Repressions 

From 2015 until 2023, Poland was ruled by the far-right Law and Justice (PiS) and was continuously experiencing democratic backsliding. This period was marked by government attempts to control democratic institutions or influence the independence of the media, as well as by targeting minority and vulnerable populations such as LGBTQ+, immigrants, and women, whose freedoms and rights were increasingly attacked2. Antonina Lewandowska, national advocacy coordinator at FEDERA, an non-governmental organization (NGO) dedicated to reproductive justice and SRHR, argues that the rise of women’s activism in this century began with proposals to impose prison sentences for teaching sex education. This sparked outrage about the policies of the ruling PiS and created a need to build logistical and organisational networks that help expand access to sex education outside the formal school system. Informal volunteer-run groups like PONTON, which provide sex education and councelling about sexuality became even more crucial in the system failing to address citizen’s needs. 

Soon after, organisations advocating for women’s rights faced police raids and funding cuts, whereas the everyday challenges faced by Polish women were intentionally ignored by the government. One instance of this marginalisation occurred with the 2015 proposal to withdraw from the Istanbul Convention, the world’s first binding instrument to prevent and tackle violence against women, including domestic, physical and psychological abuse. A few months later, in September 2016, anti-abortion citizen’s initiative proposed a bill for a near-total abortion ban. This sparked the first wave of massive resistance, which led to rejecting a controversial law by the parliament. Despite the open social disagreement regarding the policy direction, PiS escalated its efforts in October 2020. Until then, abortion in Poland was legal only in three cases: when a woman's life or health was at risk, in cases of rape, and cases of fetal abnormalities. Just a month after introducing a national lockdown due to COVID-19 pandemic, PiS moved to restrict this law further, proposing a ban on abortion in cases of fatal impairment. After a consultation with the politically captured Constitutional Tribunal, with newly elected PiS loyal judges, it was officially announced that terminating a pregnancy due to fetal impairment was unconstitutional. This decision drastically restricted abortion access, eliminating the grounds for 98% of legal abortions performed in public hospitals3

 All-Poland Women’s Strike as a New Horizon of Polish Feminism 

Feminist communities are activated and transformed when political events call for intervention or commentary. They act as a response to systemic oppression when the state apparatus reinforces traditional gender roles and patriarchal hierarchies. Consequently, the abortion issue has become central and almost inseparable from feminist discourse in Poland, sparking the mobilisation of activists and the creation of various networks. 

The 2016 government's decision on abortion triggered the largest Polish mobilisation since the overthrow of communism in 1989. Over 100000 citizens, both men and women, took to the streets across 137 cities to express their opposition to the government's actions and demand democratic change. Even larger number of citizens showed solidarity by not going to work, or leaving their houses in black clothes. This event, known as the Black Protest, marked the birth of a new, powerful wave of feminism. Remarkably, the protests were repeated on an even larger scale in 2020 when the government once again decided to tighten abortion laws, sealing the fact that the fight for women’s rights had only grown stronger. The decisions made by PiS acted as a significant catalyst for solidarity within society, bringing together individuals with different viewpoints to work together towards achieving equality. 

Feminist Underground: The Power of Grassroots Activism 

 While the protests were a powerful visual manifestation of what was happening within Polish feminism at the time, the deeper transformation lay in the structural and communicative shifts. As Antonina Lewandowska explains, the decisions made by PiS pushed the boundaries of what society deemed acceptable, thereby opening up space for a new dialogue on women’s rights. Many women activists seized the opportunity to form new grassroots networks that aimed to respond to government actions, including protests and demonstrations. Although such networks had existed for years, their integration with the technological revolution of the time, especially the rise of social media and the entry of Gen Z into public life, created an unprecedented opportunity for the movement’s growth.        

Through social media, women shared personal stories, exchanged grievances, and organized on the largest scale seen up until that time to challenge the status quo that fails to serve vulnerable groups4. This enabled an exchange of perspectives and facilitated an open discourse on women’s needs. Political engagement became more accessible, even for individuals who had previously been inactive, creating new, easy ways to support feminist movements—such as joining Facebook groups. Words like abortion or contraception, once considered taboo, gradually entered everyday language and conversations. This accessibility marked a turning point in feminism. It was no longer seen as an ideology with fixed frameworks or reserved for educated women. Instead, it came to be understood as a shared struggle that reflected the real, lived experiences of all marginalized groups5. It opened new understanding intersectionality, defining everyone’s unique struggle with discrimination, as a result of various overlapping factors based on one’s social identity. 

FemFund: Finding Strength Through Local Empowerment 

FemFund is one of the grassroots initiatives, emerged in 2018 during a period of political repression against women in Poland, driven by the need to create accessible and meaningful change. Magdalena Pocheć, co-founder of FemFund, emphasised that one of its core goals was to normalize and mainstream the word feminism. Seizing the opportunity created by 

Poland’s gender backlash, FemFund secured financial support from foreign donors to launch the project, with a flexibility to allocate the funds based on locally-led approach. Moreover, FemFund is a participatory fund, supported by individuals passionate about social change—built by the people, for the people, with minimal hierarchies. Its mission is to financially empower the seeds of informal, local grassroots initiatives through grants designed for action. FemFund is rooted in trust and the belief that individuals applying for grants know best what their needs are. It moves away from discouraging bureaucracy and formalities, that often halt the initial spark of motivation, focusing on dialogue and understanding instead. 

The idea of bottom-up funding is especially important in the inclusive fight for equality as financial barriers often stand in the way of activists. Crucial grants for larger-scale feminist initiatives are usually tailored to the donors’ requirements, dependent on what is currently “fashionable”. As Antonina Lewandowska summarises, “First, women’s rights were in vogue, then briefly queer issues, and now it’s combating disinformation. You have to tailor your proposals to fit these shifting expectations.” It might create a disconnect and steer projects away from specific citizen’s needs. FemFund, through its activities towards local efforts addresses this problem by blurring the boundaries of hierarchical supervision and treating grantees as experts in allocating the funds. FemFund further fosters a dialogue among grantees, so they can understands existing challanges and address them collectively. It results in rural women adopting inclusive language or recognizing the unaddressed needs of disabled women in accessing reproductive health care.  

This shift from formal expertise to willingness to make a change, FemFund grants had inspired thousands of women across Poland to engage in activism. Some of them remained informal working locally, and some of them transformed into bigger networks fostering inclusivity and support on a bigger scale like Różowy Orzech (a deaf feminist association), Kobiety Wędrowne (women refugees and migrants living in Poland) or Różowa Skrzyneczka (access to menstruation products). Moreover, rural women became a significant part of the movement, as they appear to be increasingly aware of their issues and how civic solidarity might address them.  

When the Revolution Slows: Maintaining Motivation in a Shifting Landscape 

Women’s mobilization during the eight years of PiS rule in Poland was shaped by a duality of oppression and resistance. As Antonina Lewandowska notes, anger served as a powerful emotional force that fueled the movement. However, relying solely on anger that does not fuel a concrete long-term plan for action can be draining. Oftentimes, being stuck on the emotion leads to a viscious repetitive cycle of deconstruction rather than pave the way for lasting change. On the other hand, story-telling and well-founded arguments directed at society and policymakers, while being impactful, still tend to resonate only with the people who want to be convinced, as they lack personal and emotional impact. This prolonged struggle takes a toll on women activists, many of whom face burnout after social activism turns into a full-time, underfunded commitment. Constantly chasing grants to sustain their work combined with ignorance from the government side, make it difficult to maintain a motivation for change. 

Moreover, looking at the Black Protests and PiS oppression the question arises: what happens when the revolution ends? This is particularly relevant in Poland’s case after the Civic Coalition’s victory in the 2023 elections. With political oppression easing, there are growing concerns that the movement might lose its momentum and burn through its potential. 

Magdalena Pocheć from FemFund echoes this sentiment, emphasizing that the constant battle inevitably exhausts people. The recent change in power has reduced state violence, providing a sense of relief for activists. Yet, it has also led to the withdrawal of foreign donors support under the assumption that the situation is now “under control,” even though legal changes remain negligible. The necessary legislations, over a year later, are still in the discussion or consultation stages, or exist only as draft proposals. While there is more openness to dialogue and efforts to make progress, the lack of parliamentary majority or a sense of urgency are crucial obstacles to start a systemic transformation towards equality. 

Conclusion 

Feminist movements have been present in Poland for decades, combating both direct and indirect discrimination while addressing systemic gaps caused by the lack of gender responsive policies. Nevertheless, even after their longstanding presence, Polish feminists still continue to face significant challenges in securing full collaboration with the government. Even with well-founded arguments, their demands remain sidelined in parliamentary discussions, forcing them to take care of citizen’s needs themselves. Their impact however is undeniable. This is exemplified by the 47,000 safe abortions in 2024 facilitated by Abortion Without Borders (ABW), which coordinates nine organizations with the goal of helping people in Poland access abortions. Additionally, the FemFund has allocated 2 million zloty to support grassroots feminist initiatives, resulting in over 600 applications over the past four years. Legal assistance for women's issues is widely available through organizations such as FEDERA and Feminoteka. Moreover, the movement has fostered an inclusive space for marginalized communities, further advancing its reach and impact. These efforts can serve as a model for other European countries, demonstrating how civic engagement, unity, and collective action can drive activism ahead. 

Poland’s feminist landscape combines well-established NGOs like FEDERA, which offer large-scale support for women and engage with policymakers to drive systemic change with grassroots networks that bring unconventional understanding of existing issues. Sustaining progress lies in maintaining this an ongoing, two-step connection—bridging the gap between small and big scale efforts, ensuring that broader activism remains rooted in the needs of the community. However, fostering resilience and solidarity through anger alone may not prove effective in a society deeply shaped by the traumas of communism, war, and systemic injustice, where oppression has long been a shared experience. As Magdalena Pocheć suggests, perhaps the foundation of feminism should rest on an idealistic and progressive vision of equality—one that radiates empowerment and hope, rather than focusing solely on harm. Empowerment through possibilities, rather than suffering, could pave the way to a transformative change.